'Them' without 'us': negative identities and affective polarization in Brazil.

High levels of hostility between those on opposing sides of politics have led to a burgeoning literature on the concept of affective polarization. Though a globally widespread phenomenon, extant literature has generated theoretical expectations and empirical findings mostly inspired by the United States and Western Europe. By studying the case of Brazil, I argue and show that traditional explanations do not provide satisfactory accounts of affective polarization in contexts where politics is only weakly structured by ideology or partisan attachments. I argue and show that in such contexts the concept of negative political identities can provide a much better explanation for why politics is so divisive. Using both the 2014 and 2018 waves of the Brazilian Electoral Studies (BES) and independently collected survey data (N = 1732), I provide robust empirical findings supporting the primacy of negative political identities over traditional explanations. Negative identification with the out-party/leader has a strong effect on dislike towards out-voters even when controlling for instrumental evaluations of political elites. This paper contributes to the comparative research agenda on affective polarization outside Western contexts, as well as to the study of negative political identities.

Large-scale environmental policy change: analysis of the Brazilian reality / Cambio de gran escala en la política ambiental: análisis de la realidad brasileña / Mudança de larga escala na política ambiental: análise da realidade brasileira

Abstract The Brazilian presidential elections of 2018 brought large-scale changes in the Brazilian environmental policy subsystem. The purpose of this article is to analyze these changes through the lenses of the Advocacy Coalition Framework - ACF. First, we introduced some of the main characteristics of this subsystem, then we presented a hemerographic analysis to describe and analyze the effects of four recent shocks in this subsystem. Two of these shocks were external: (i) the election of a new political elite in power that brought a clear discourse of denial of the relevance of environmental policy and (ii) calamitous environmental events that occurred in Brazil in 2019. The other two shocks were internal: (i) the capture of key positions and resources by dominant coalition members and (ii) the rise of conflict and polarization among the coalitions in the subsystem. The results showed: (i) the rise of a hyper-adversarial environmental policy subsystem; (ii) a realignment between non-dominant coalitions in a cooperative direction; (iii) the imposition of clear barriers to negotiation; (iv) changes in the use of scientific information by more politicized discourses with a high degree of bias. The article contributes to the understanding of the processes of institutional change in environmental policy, especially in contexts of large-scale change generated by increasing electoral polarization and fierce political disputes. It also contributes to the analysis of the limits and possibilities of the ACF in the Brazilian environmental agenda.

Resumen Las elecciones presidenciales brasileñas de 2018 introdujeron cambios de gran escala en el subsistema de política ambiental del país. El propósito de este documento es analizar estos cambios a través de las lentes del Advocacy Coalition Framework - ACF. Para ello, exponemos algunas de las características principales de este subsistema y, luego, presentamos un análisis hemerográfico para describir y analizar los efectos de cuatro shocks recientes en este subsistema. Dos de estos shocks fueron externos: (i) el ascenso de una nueva élite política al poder, la cual ha traído un claro discurso de negación de la relevancia de la política ambiental y (ii) catastróficos eventos ambientales que ocurrieron en Brasil durante 2019. Otros dos shocks fueron internos: (i) la captura de posiciones y recursos claves por los miembros de la coalición dominante y (ii) el surgimiento de conflictos y polarizaciones entre las coaliciones del subsistema. Los resultados mostraron: (i) el ascenso de un subsistema de política ambiental hipercontradictorio; (ii) el realineamiento de las coaliciones no dominantes en una dirección cooperativa; (iii) la imposición de claras barreras en los procesos de negociación; y (iv) cambios en el uso de información científica por discursos más politizados con un alto grado de sesgo. Este artículo contribuye a la comprensión de los procesos de cambio institucional en la política ambiental, especialmente en contextos de cambios de gran escala generados por un aumento en la polarización electoral e intensas disputas políticas. También contribuye al análisis de los límites y posibilidades del ACF en la agenda ambiental brasileña.

Resumo As eleições presidenciais brasileiras de 2018 trouxeram mudanças em larga escala no subsistema de política ambiental do país. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar essas mudanças através do Advocacy Coalition Framework - ACF. Para isso, introduzimos algumas das principais características do subsistema de política ambiental e, a seguir, apresentamos uma análise hemerográfica para descrever e analisar os efeitos de quatro choques recentes no subsistema em análise. Dois desses choques foram externos: (i) a ascensão ao poder de uma nova elite política que trouxe um discurso claro de negação da relevância da política ambiental e (ii) eventos ambientais calamitosos que ocorreram no Brasil em 2019. Dois outros choques foram internos: (i) a captura de posições e recursos importantes pelos membros da coalizão dominante e (ii) o surgimento de conflitos e polarizações entre as coalizões no subsistema. Os resultados mostraram: (i) a ascensão de um subsistema hiper-contraditório; (ii) o realinhamento entre coalizões não dominantes em direção à cooperação; (iii) a imposição de barreiras claras à negociação; e (iv) mudanças no uso da informação científica por discursos mais politizados com alto grau de viés. O artigo contribui para a compreensão dos processos de mudança institucional na política ambiental, especialmente em contextos de mudança em larga escala gerados pelo aumento da polarização eleitoral e intensas disputas políticas. Contribui também para a análise dos limites e possibilidades do ACF na agenda ambiental brasileira.

A eleição visível: a Rede Globo descobre a política em 2002 / The Visible Election: the Globo television network discovers politics in 2002

The Globo television network conducted extensive coverage of the 2002 election process in Brazil. During the 17 weeks between the end of the Football World Cup and the second round of the Brazilian elections, the Presidential race occupied approximately one third of air time on the network's main nationwide news program, Jornal Nacional. This was a marked difference in comparison to coverage of the 1998 elections, which were virtually absent from the Globo news broadcasts. The network also pursued a policy of clear impartiality towards the four main Presidential candidates, in stark contrast to its almost militant involvement in previous races. This article seeks to demonstrate that the influence of the Globo network on the election process in 2002 occurred primarily through its collaboration in closing off the discursive field, demanding that candidates assume an increasingly deep commitment to the continuation of prevailing macroeconomic policies.

2002 est l'année où la chaîne Globo a effectué un gros travail de reportage sur le processus électoral brésilien. Pendant les dix-sept semaines allant de la fin de la Coupe du Monde de football jusqu'au second tour du scrutin, l'élection présidentielle a occupé un tiers environ de toute la durée du Jornal Nacional - sa plus importante émission d'informations. La différence est remarquable par rapport aux élections de 1998 pratiquement délaissée par la chaîne. On y repère aussi une impartialité manifeste dans la façon de présenter les quatre candidats à la présidence, à l'opposé de l'engagement presque militant de Globo aux élections précédentes. On cherche ici à montrer que l'influence de cette chaîne sur le processus électoral s'est montrée surtout dans sa façon de clore le champ du discours, de par son exigence auprès des candidats d'un engagement toujours plus ferme sur la continuité des politiques macroéconomiques.